The President is to be the "Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States.5
He is to have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment;6
to recommend to the consideration of Congress such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient;7
to convene on extraordinary occasions both houses of the Legislature, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time adjournment, to adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper;8
to take care that the laws be faithfully executed;9
and to commission all officers of the United, States."1011
In most of these particulars the power of The President will resemble equally that of the King of Great-Britain and the Governor of New-York. The most material points of difference are these- First; The President will have only the occasional command of such part of the militia of the nation, as by legislative provision may be called into the actual service of the Union-The King of Great-Britain and the Governor of New-York have at all times the entire command of all the militia within their several jurisdictions. In this article therefore the power of The President would be inferior to that of either the Monarch or the Governor.- Secondly; The President is to be Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the United States. In this respect his authority would be nominally the same with that of the King of Great-Britain, but in substance much inferior to it. It would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces, as first General and Admiral of the confederacy; while that of the British King extends to the declaring of war and to the raising and regulating of fleets and armies; all which by the Constitution under consideration would appertain to the Legislature. The Governor of New York on the other hand, is by the Constitution of the State vested only with the command of its militia and navy. But the Constitutions of several of the States, expressly declare their Governors to be the Commanders in Chief as well of the army as navy; and it may well be a question whether those of New-Hampshire and Massachusetts, in particular, do not in this instance confer larger powers upon their respective Governors, than could be claimed by a President of the United States.- Thirdly; the power of The President in respect to pardons would extend to all cases, except those of impeachment. The Governor of New-York may pardon in all cases, even in those of impeachment, except for treason and murder. Is not the power of the Governor in this article, on a calculation of political consequences, greater than that of The President? All conspiracies and plots against the government, which have not been matured into actual treason, may be screened from punishment of every kind, by the interposition of the prerogative of pardoning. If a Governor of New-York therefore should be at the head of any such conspiracy, until the design had been ripened into actual hostility, he could ensure his accomplices and adherents an entire impunity. A President of the Union on the other hand, though he may even pardon treason, when prosecuted in the ordinary course of law, could shelter no offender in any degree from the effects of impeachment &conviction. Would not the prospect of a total indemnity for all the preliminary steps be a greater temptation to undertake and persevere in an enterprise against the public liberty than the mere prospect of an exemption from death and confiscation, if the final execution of the design, upon an actual appeal to arms, should miscarry? Would this last expectation have any influence at all, when the probability was computed that the person who was to afford that exemption might himself be involved in the consequences of the measure; and might be incapacitated by his agency in it, from affording the desired impunity. The better to judge of this matter, it will be necessary to recollect that by the proposed Constitution the offence of treason is limitted "to levying war upon the United States; and adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort," and that by the laws of New-York it is confined within similar bounds.- Fourthly; The President can only adjourn the national Legislature in the single case of disagreement about the time of adjournment. The British monarch may prorogue or even dissolve the Parliament. The Governor of New-Yorkm ay also prorogue the Legislature of this State for a limited time; a power which in certain situations may be employed to very important purposes.